In this picture taken on July 25, 2023, an armed man claiming to be volunteer is pictured holding an automatic weapon near a bunker post in Moirang in Bishnupur district, a stronghold of the Meitei community in the northeastern state of Manipur. (Photo by Arun SANKAR / AFP)
Mai Aung Khin
Over the last few months, the media has been focused on the results of the Three Brotherhood Alliance’s Operation 1027 on Myanmar northeastern border with China. But another conflict, largely hidden from view, is that of the Meitei rebel groups that inhabit the northwestern Myanmar borderland with India.
Since the end of 2021, there have been reports that the Meitei rebel groups, which have been fighting the Indian government from bases along the Myanmar-India border, are cooperating with the Myanmar junta forces in attacks against the resistance or revolutionary forces.
Although it was difficult to prove in the past, the bases of the Meitei rebel groups have been seized, and both the Meitei rebels and the junta forces have been captured together in battles in the townships of Tamu and Homalin in the Sagaing region recently, according to the revolutionary forces.
In this regard, at least 10 photographs of “on the ground evidence” have been received.
As the Meitei rebel groups, who claim to have been fighting the Indian government for their own freedom, impede the Myanmar people’s revolution by cooperating with the Myanmar military, critics argue a political solution needs to be sought for the country.
This is, they say, a red-level warning.
History of Meitei insurgent groups
Since 1964, armed organizations have been created in the Indian state of Manipur, which borders Myanmar, to establish Manipur as an independent state. The earliest armed group to be established was the United National Liberation Front (UNLF).
Then, the People’s Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK) was formed in 1977. Another group, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), was formed in 1978. The Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) was also formed in 1980. Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup-KYKL was formed in 1994. In addition, the United People’s Party of Kangleipak (UPPK) was established in 2006.
While there are various Meitei armed groups, the six listed above are the most powerful and well-known. These groups operate from bases in the Sagaing Region and Chin State, which border the Indian state of Manipur.
Problem stems from previous regime
The problem of Meitei rebel groups is among the bad legacies of former General Khin Nyunt, and former dictator Than Shwe, who ruled the country as an authoritarian leader for many years, according to the political analysts and revolutionary forces.
The historical accounts indicate that during the State Law and Order Restoration Council, the Meitei rebel groups started to operate along Myanmar’s borders, particularly in Tamu township. According to the political forces of Tamu township, the former dictator Than Shwe registered the Meitei rebels as members of the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) by issuing them temporary identity cards, and former general Khin Nyunt also used them for intelligence purposes.
“They moved to Myanmar when they staged a rebellion against the Indian government in Manipur because they were unable to continue the rebellion. By working with Myanmar generals, they have expanded,” said an analyst of India-Myanmar issues who resides in Manipur and wishes to remain anonymous due to security concerns.
Subsequently, the Meitei rebels grew wealthy through their extensive involvement in the trade of smuggled goods in the border region, he said. “The most marginalized region of India is closest to Myanmar. The illegal trade now dominates the border economy.
Owing to these shared interests, the Meitei rebels have turned into the Myanmar military, carrying out crimes by doing the military regime’s bidding.
The local people’s voices were muted during the successive military regimes, but they became more vocal during the National League for Democracy (NLD) led civilian government, alerting the public to the grave threat posed by the Meitei rebel groups. In some townships in Sagaing Region and Chin State, they expressed their voice, demanding a solution to the Meitei rebel problem. Although Section 42(b) of the Constitution, Chapter 1: Basic Principles of the Union, states unequivocally that “no foreign forces are allowed to be stationed in the country,” Chin social organizations objected to the fact that the successive military governments allowed the Meitei armed groups to set foot in the country.
The Meitei rebel organisations’ capability is demonstrated by an incident that happened in December 2019 in the district of Tamu, which borders India. The Meitei rebel group launched a grenade attack on the house of Amyothar Hluttaw member Maung Maung Latt from Tamu Township, who asked a question in parliament about the settlement of Meitei armed forces in the area. Additionally, the Meitei rebel factions in Tamu Township frequently committed robberies and killed one another, shocking the local people.
After the military took over in a coup in 2021, the Meitei rebel problem – which the NLD government was unable to resolve – became more intractable.
Tracing the Meitei rebels
On 9 April 2021, a peaceful public demonstration against the military coup was violently cracked down on by the security forces in Tamu township for the first time. According to the revolutionary forces, the Meitei rebels and the junta forces were involved in that violent crackdown on a peaceful demonstration that killed at least ten local people, including children. Regarding this case, 12 civilians were killed in a raid on an anti-coup strike camp by the Manipur rebel group, who were forced to wear military uniforms by the Military Council. This information was reported in Nikkei Asia’s article titled “Myanmar Junta taps Russian air power to bomb ethnic rebels,” citing Asian military intelligence sources on 15 April 2021.
According to the revolutionary forces in the Sagaing region, the incident marks the first move of the Meitei rebels, who have been a thorn in the side of the people’s Spring Revolution. The head of the local defense force, Han Sai, stated that the Meitei rebels wearing Military Council uniforms were involved in the clashes when the peaceful demonstration turned into an armed struggle.
The junta has forced the Meitei rebels to wear army uniforms and attack the people’s defense forces, as stated in the report “30 months of Myanmar military coup – A comprehensive analytical report on India’s approach and relations with Myanmar”, which was published on 7 September 2023, by India for Myanmar and Burma Affairs and Conflict Studies (BACS), which monitors and records the junta.
According to some of the members of the People’s Defense Forces (PDF), they have received evidence that the Meitei rebels are working together with the Military Council to fight the PDFs. In late 2021 and early 2022, the revolutionary forces revealed that the Meitei rebels were cooperating with the junta forces in the clashes in certain townships of Chin State and Sagaing Region near the Indian border. On 15
October 2021, the National Unity Government (NUG) published a “Declaration on Relations with Neighbouring Countries and Border Security” through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
According to the NUG statement, it has been discovered that some of the armed groups rebelling against the neighbouring country have settled in Myanmar under the protection of the Military Council and have been seen working together with the junta to launch coordinated attacks against the PDFs. The NUG has declared that no armed groups established with the goal of insurrection against neighboring nations will be permitted to establish themselves in Myanmar.
According to the Sagaing resistance forces, this was the NUG’s message regarding the Meitei rebels to the Indian government. Still, the Meitei rebels continued to advance. According to the PDFs in Tonzang township of Chin State and Tamu, Khampat, Homalin, and Shwe Pyi Aye townships of Sagaing Region, the Meitei rebels fought alongside the military.
“They (the Meitei rebels) took part in the clashes that took place in Tamu, Khamphat, Homalin, and Shwe Pyi Aye. They also took part in a clash on the border between Homalin and Aung Zaya. These are the battles in which the rebels from Meitei have undoubtedly taken part. We took a Meitei officer’s uniform from the Homalin clash as proof. We also received a gun. In the Tamu and Khampat battles, we obtained the Meitei flag and weaponry. We sent the reports and data to the (NUG’s) Ministry of Defence in this regard,” Han Sai stated.
According to the investigation for this article, on 23 November 2023, during the attack and occupation of a Meitei camp near Thanan village, Tamu township, by the Tamu District People’s Defence Battalion 1/2 and joint forces, the UNLF logo and the uniforms bearing the badge of the Manipur People Army – MPA were taken. The pertinent photo documents have been obtained in this regard. In addition, on 7 December of that year, a combined camp of the Military Council, Shanni (SNA) and UNLF located in Aung Zeya village in the upper part of Tamu Township was attacked and captured by the resistance forces under the MOD No. 1 military regional command. The resistance forces said that the Meitei rebels fought together with the junta forces during the Pan Thar battle in Tamu district and the Khampat clash.
“We obtained that proof by ourselves on the ground. In the Khampat battle, we also seized other items, such as an identity card,” said a resistance fighter, Ye Baw Yaung Ta Zaung. The two Meitei rebels were captured in a clash in 2022 and handed over to India, he said. Local witnesses reported seeing items
being dropped by the military council by air into a Meitei rebel camp in He Zin village, Tamu township, between 26 and 28 November 2023.
The Meitei rebels have become a national threat since they are collaborating with the junta and are involved in the drug trade, according to Salai Htet Ni, a spokesperson for the Chin National Front (CNF).
The People’s Defense Forces of Chin State attacked and took control of a Meitei rebel group’s base in 2022, close to Se Nan village in Tonzang Township, Chin State. The Meitei rebel camp was taken by the people’s defense troops during the clash; however, a major from the CNF was killed in the encounter.
“We do not like foreign armed groups gaining a foothold in our region and in our country at all,” said Salai Htet Ni, expressing his view on the Meitei rebel issue.
The BACS and India for Myanmar study strongly suggests that the presence of the Meitei insurgents in Myanmar should be dealt with by the Indian government. The increasing strength of Manipur’s separatist rebels, with the backing of the Myanmar Military Council, could intensify India’s internal political conflicts.
Military Council defends the Meitei rebels
The following incident highlights the depth of the link between the Myanmar Military Council and the Meitei rebels.
On 13 November 2021, a militant attack that shocked the Indian government occurred in Churachandpur district, Manipur state, near the Myanmar border. A convoy carrying Colonel Viplav Tripathi, the commanding officer (CO) of 46 Assam Rifles forces of the Indian central government, was attacked by a Meitei rebel group led by Rangit Naorem, leader of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). As a result of this attack, Colonel Tripathi, his wife, and his 4-year-old son, and four Indian soldiers were killed. Manipur Chief Minister N. Biren Singh strongly condemned the cowardly attack on the convoy on his Twitter page. According to a report by BACS and India for Myanmar, the PLA forces entered Manipur from the Myanmar side, launched the attack, and withdrew within hours to their bases on the border with Myanmar.
The Indian National Investigation Agency (NIA) issued arrest warrants for ten militants, including Rangit Naorem, under various provisions of the Arms Act, the Unlawful Activities (Protection) Law, and other laws. The Military Council of Myanmar was urged by the Indian government to apprehend the rebels.
The Myanmar Military Council turned over five PLA members who were involved in the case to India on 17 December 2021. They were transported to the Indian state of Manipur by an Indian military aircraft, according to AP news. However, the local political forces claim that Ranjina Oram was left out and that he is still operating in Homalin Township, protected by the Burmese army. In the third week of January, locals said that Ranjina Oram was still in the vicinity of Homalin Township and was under the Military Council’s protection.
Meitei rebel, Myanmar, and Indian landscape
“They are watching the fact that a small country in the east will quickly fall into China’s sphere.”
This was a statement made in Dr. Than Myint Oo’s book “Where China meets India: Burma and the new crossroads of Asia,” regarding some of the concerns that India has been dealing with since the end of the 20th century.
With a population of only 55 million, Myanmar is in a difficult position due to the geopolitical rivalry between China and India, two of the most powerful nations in the world, each with a population of over a billion.
Why isn’t the Indian government speaking up or exerting any pressure on the Myanmar Military Council regarding the Meitei rebel issue?
Human rights lawyer Aung Htoo, who founded the Legal Aid Network, provided a response to this.
“India’s objective is very clear. China is India’s greatest opponent and its main source of concern. I’ve talked with Indian leaders throughout my four, five, and six trips there. China is their biggest concern. They want no confrontation with China, no matter what happens in Burma. Even in the event of a conflict, they hope to maintain the support of the junta in Myanmar. That is their nation’s objective.”
According to Aung Htoo, the Indian government is extremely concerned that China will reinforce the Meitei rebels if they move to the Chinese border rather than the Myanmar border. Thus, aside from
applying diplomatic pressure, political observers claim that India is not doing anything to address the Meitei insurgents’ presence in Myanmar.
The Meitei rebels’ prolonged presence in Myanmar is a result of the Indian government’s silence, which is currently being used to avoid upsetting the Military Council that has taken control in 2021. This is seriously impeding the Myanmar people’s revolution, Aung Htoo claimed.
China and India have made significant investments in Myanmar, which serves as their focal point, and both countries have a strong desire for these projects. China and Myanmar have inked agreements on the billion-dollar Ayeyarwaddy Myitsone dam project, the Kyauk Phyu Special Economic Zone and Deep-Water Port Project, and the natural gas-fired power plant project in the Shwe Thaung Yan beach area. In order to counter Chinese influence, India has also undertaken strategic investments in Myanmar through the Act East Policy (Policy of Cooperation with the East), which is being carried out in the Mekong-Ganga Cooperation (MGC) initiative. The Kaladan River Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, which will be able to connect to countries in the Indo-Pacific region, as well as the Myanmar-India-Thai Trilateral Highway Project, which will connect India with the countries of the Mekong region, are also being developed. These projects have been delayed following the military takeover, but both countries are attempting to expedite their implementation in different ways.
Sittwe Port, which is a part of the Kaladan River Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project, was inaugurated on 9 May 2023, by the Myanmar Military Council and India. On the opening of Sittwe Port, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself proudly posted, “Great news for commerce connectivity,” on his official Twitter page. At that time, fighting was raging in Chin State and the Sagaing region, which borders India. In addition, he put pressure on the Military Council to restart the trilateral highway project and not delay other projects.
India’s assistance to the Myanmar Military Council also made international headlines at the same time. A meeting on the Myanmar situation known as Track 1.5 was held in April 2023 in India, and it was attended by some foreign experts and diplomats. In an article published in Benar News on 27 March 2023, Professor Zachary M. Abuza, a Burmese affairs analyst at the National War College in Washington, DC, claimed that this measure helped the junta accomplish its objectives and gave the Military Council legitimacy.
Furthermore, Mr. Tom Andrews, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar, released a report in mid-May 2023 that said that, like Russian and China, India had supplied the Myanmar Military Council with a substantial quantity of military weapons.
To have a better understanding of the situation on the ground, let’s revisit the battles that occurred on the Tamu-Kale Asia Highway in September and November of 2022. The People’s Defence Forces (PDF) were engaged in the longest-running battle in Sagaing at that time. According to a Tamu-based member of the National Liberation Army (NLA), the battle started because India delivered a significant amount of military hardware to the Myanmar Military Council via the Moreh border, and the PDFs blocked the route for months. The Military Council used both air and ground forces to attack the PDF camp in Tamu Township in order to transport military equipment. As a result, they were forced to abandon their camp, said the members of the PDF.
Additionally, there was an incident that occurred in the region where the Meitei rebels operated, in which India favoured the Military Council, and most people were unaware of it.
On the afternoon of 5 July 2022, two Indian nationals from Moreh Township were killed while visiting Tamu town. The people’s defense forces stated that the Pyu Saw Htee, pro-military militiamen, were responsible for the killing, providing the relevant information. At that time, Pyu Saw Htee were powerful in Tamu Township. Indian residents of Moreh staged a demonstration, calling for the remains to be returned to their families and the truth to be made public.
Before the border checkpoint was set on fire, the situation was tight. However, in response to the Indian side, the Myanmar Military Council stated that the killing was carried out by a terrorist organisation, and the remains were incinerated without any form of examination in a matter of hours. That murderous incident happened on 5 July at about 12:30 in the afternoon. The remains were cremated, according to a report by Major General Zaw Min Htun, head of the press team of the Military Council, because the owners had not shown up for the investigation. India and the Myanmar Military Council both said nothing about the case, which has since vanished from public view.
However, in response to the deaths of three Indian citizens by groups opposing the Military Council in March 2023 over an arms transaction, the Indian government adopted a tough stance. They applied a range of pressure on the revolutionary forces. At the border, restrictions were put in place. In a few days, the revolutionary forces identified and apprehended the murderers.
Furthermore, according to Chin revolutionary forces, on 10 January 2023, the military council bombarded the headquarters of the Chin National Army (CNA) on the Chin state border with India using Indian airspace.
A report by BACS and India for Myanmar claims that the Indian government is ignoring the genuine feelings of the Myanmar people while favouring the Military Council for its own interests.
“The Myanmar military forced India’s separatist armed groups, which they support, to fight the revolutionary forces. Therefore, these armed groups supported by the Myanmar military are not only a thorn in the side of the Indian government but also of the revolutionary forces in Myanmar,” BACS said.
Meitei Rebels: The Green Book’s antithesis
In the 2008 Constitution’s Basic Principles of the Union, Chapter 1, Section 42(b), which the Military Council continues to abide by, it is stated that “no foreign troops are allowed to be stationed in the country.” Nonetheless, the military is openly using the Meitei rebels inside the country and breaking the law that it enacted.
Aung Htoo, a human rights lawyer, pointed out that the military led by Min Aung Hlaing is a group committing treason and rebellion because it has overthrown the democratically-elected government and usurped state power, and every group cooperating with the Military Council is already involved in the case.
“The actions committed by the group led by Min Aung Hlaing amount to the crime under Section 121(d) of the Criminal Law. That is treason and rebellion. So, anyone who provides any kind of support to that group – whether by cash, weapons, or recognition – commits an additional offence under Section 121(d) of the Criminal Law,” Aung Htoo said.
Additionally, he claimed that would constitute a Section 129 felony of aiding and abetting a rebellion against the state. Legal experts also recommend that the public and revolutionary forces gather evidence and that the NUG government file accusations against the Military Council at the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Kyee Myint, a legal expert, noted that the Military Council’s present actions, which involve utilising the Meitei rebels, have even gone so far as to meddle in the internal affairs of the Indian government.
Attempts to reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment about the events of the Meitei rebels being permitted to live in Myanmar and taking part in the fights taking place in the Sagaing region and Chin State following the coup in 2021 were unsuccessful.
Furthermore, no response was received when an email was sent to the Manipur Chief Minister’s office asking about the Manipur government’s stance. Similarly, communication with the UNLF and PLA was attempted but was met with silence.
The NUG’s Human Rights Union Minister Aung Myo Min stated that he has learned about the collaboration between the Military Council and the Meitei armed organisations, and he considers this to be an affront to the state’s central sovereignty. He hints that there is a legal process to deal with this problem and the Military Council’s campaign of violence.
With the battles where the revolutionary forces take control of the enemy camps, the situation is currently tense on the Myanmar side of the border with India. The PDFs took control of Khampat, Shwe Pyi Aye, and Tamu Township, where the Meitei rebels used to camp. Nineteen civilians, including young children, were killed when the Military Council bombarded Kanan village in Khampat Township early on 7 January. The local PDFs then reported that the Meitei rebels attempted to go on the offensive with the Military Council column on the ground. Furthermore, the PDFs in the Sagaing region and Chin State said that the Military Council is still supporting the Meitei rebels.
The prolonged presence of Meitei insurgents on Myanmar soil is a major issue that a post-junta administration will inevitably have to deal with.
Mai Aung Khin is a pseudonym for a Myanmar writer.
