Mizzima
EU Special Envoy for Myanmar Mr Igor Driesmans feels he is tasked with keeping Myanmar on the radar within the European Union and operating on the ground in Myanmar and the region.
In this exclusive interview with Mizzima, Mr Driesmans discusses why Myanmar and the ongoing crisis matter to the European Union.
As EU Special Envoy for Myanmar, what are your priorities in tackling the Myanmar crisis?
The priorities of the EU in Myanmar since the military coup have been very clear: to support the people of Myanmar and to support a process that will return the country to its democratic path. These objectives guide my mandate.
The EU created the role of Special Envoy for Myanmar over two years ago, to have a dedicated European ear and voice that can listen to and speak with the different stakeholders, many of whom are outside Myanmar. The EU is a broad concept: 27 Member States and many institutions, with different roles and mandates. I have tried to be a visible liaison setting out the key objectives of EU policy towards Myanmar, policy which has been agreed unanimously by our 27 Member States – that is its source of strength. And this policy is clear: Myanmar matters to the EU.
We want to play a role in finding common ground for dialogue together with other partners, and in bringing long-term stability in line with the aspirations of Myanmar citizens. Through my role, the EU also wants to strengthen the voice of those actors that represent these citizen aspirations.
Why does Myanmar matter to the EU in terms of politics, trade and investment?
Myanmar is a country with an enormous potential, as it proved with its steadfast progress in the last years before the coup. It has a young and dynamic population and plenty of natural resources to allow an equitable social and economic development. It has access to important trade routes and it is located in a strategic region. We want to see Myanmar unlocking this potential to the fullest benefit of its citizens. We are convinced that this will also be beneficial to the region and to the EU’s partnership with the region.
The conflict has dramatically affected Myanmar’s economy and this will be difficult to overcome. Despite the challenges, EU businesses still operate in Myanmar. We continue to make important efforts to uphold trade relations in sectors that have no links with the regime, primarily the garment sector. This way we support hundreds of thousands of workers and their families in an overall context of dire unemployment, and we keep Myanmar within regional and global value chains. As I’ve said before, the EU’s priority in Myanmar is to support its people, and we will continue doing this, including through the European private sector that remains engaged in the country in a responsible way.
But our engagement goes well beyond trade and investment.
Politically, Myanmar’s situation affects regional and global security, as well as ASEAN’s progress as a regional block. The rise in human trafficking, drugs production and scam centres should worry all partners. It certainly worries the EU, too.
Last but not less significant, for the EU, Myanmar’s importance is grounded on values. In a historical context where fundamental freedoms are put to the test in many world crises, the EU stands
steadfastly by the side of those who are determined to fight authoritarian impositions based on military strength, in Europe and elsewhere.
This is why the EU and its Member States have stayed on the ground supporting livelihoods, promoting education, supporting the most vulnerable and reinforcing the voices that would otherwise not be heard. And this is why we will continue to be present in Myanmar.
Since the Myanmar coup of 1 February 2021, there has been controversy over how to put Myanmar back on the democratic path, through a resistance war or through negotiations with the military junta. How does the EU view this dilemma?
The EU has consistently condemned in the strongest terms the violence that the military regime perpetrates against its people. We have so far issued eight rounds of EU sanctions against perpetrators of grave violations and entities financing the military.
Further, since 2021, we have halted all official relations with the Government of Myanmar and with any public institution, including Universities or schools under the Ministry of Education, or organizations with public funding. It is a firm decision of principle, and we respect it in all our actions in and on Myanmar. There can be no official relations as long as the military junta is unwilling to make concessions.
This said, I believe the time will come when the Generals in Naypyidaw will realize that a war against its own people is not in their interest. The polarization and splintering of communities and positions in Myanmar is not a long-term solution. Hence, the EU is supportive of initiatives that can bridge the different sides. These bridges will need to be strong and robust, constructed by the Myanmar people. There cannot be a sustainable exit without a peace process. We believe that a durable solution can only be found if all relevant stakeholders have a seat, and a voice, at that table. The experience of these last three years shows us that partial solutions will not hold, and only deepen mistrust among the different parties. A sustainable outcome will require trust. We are currently far away from that, and more needs to be done to build trust among actors.
It will be equally important that those judged responsible of having committed grave human rights violations face justice. There will be no reconciliation without justice, or without reparation measures and guarantees that such violations will not happen again.
The EU has put emphasis on ASEAN’s 5-Point Consensus road-map for Myanmar. How is this working out? And has the Laos chair made any difference?
As a regional bloc, ASEAN plays a central role in any sustainable solution for Myanmar. The 2022 UN Security Council Resolution on Myanmar, to which the EU subscribes, acknowledges this. Building upon long standing political and trade relations, the EU and ASEAN entered a Strategic Partnership in 2020, so ASEAN is a key counterpart for the EU. We therefore will continue to support ASEAN in its efforts to deal with the crisis that it faces in its region.
As the situation in Myanmar remains gridlocked, like other partners, the EU remains concerned that there is no progress on the first two critical points of the Five Point Consensus: violence has not ceased – on the contrary – and we are far away from a constructive dialogue among all parties. The junta has unfortunately shown no inclination to genuinely implement the 5-Point Consensus, which it had itself signed up to.
Building upon the work of previous chairs, Laos – through its Special Envoy Alounkeo Kittikhoun- is engaging different stakeholders. There is a lot of quiet diplomacy involved and Ambassador
Alounkeo has our full support in taking forward this difficult task. Because neither the ASEAN Chair, nor any other country can or should carry such arduous task alone. Other regional stakeholders and dialogue partners of Myanmar have a responsibility in creating a conducive environment to overcome the crisis. The appointment by the UN Secretary General of Julie Bishop as UN Envoy is therefore most welcome.
But allow me to say this: the UN, ASEAN and other partners can support the process, but it is ultimately up to the national actors to come to a solution that satisfies the people’s aspirations.
How does the EU view the imposition by the junta of the military conscription law?
We are concerned over the tangible impact of this law on the people and on the economy. Its enactment has caused enormous pressure and exacerbated a brain-drain, which has been an ongoing concern since the coup. There is also a high impact on the social fabric. The way the law is being implemented and communicated is causing fear amongst communities. Our partners have been affected, as have been European companies in Myanmar, who keep reporting resignations and difficulties to sustain operations. To the extent that we can make out, it will affect our presence here and the ability of our partners and the private sector to carry out operations.
On a practical level, what does the role of EU Special Envoy for Myanmar involve?
As I focus on engaging different national and regional stakeholders over Myanmar, this means regular meetings, dialogues and some travel within the region. My outreach is complementary to that of my colleague-Ambassador in Myanmar, who has a mandate and the facilities to engage with stakeholders present in Myanmar. I also engage with organizations in Europe to explore further avenues for European engagement. Finally, my job also comes with some down-to-earth internal coordination work. The EU is composed of different institutions, so I need to plug the information back to my colleagues in the different institutions and with the Member States. This is also a way to keep Myanmar on the radar within the EU.
Is there anything else you would like to add?
I am a diplomat, so my power mainly lies in words. But my words are complemented by concrete European support initiatives to the people. I started this interview by saying that the EU’s first priority is to support the people of Myanmar. Between 2021 and 2023, the EU has committed more than 180 million EUR to development programmes in Myanmar. This money is entirely channelled through international and non-governmental organisations, including a large part towards national NGOs. During the same period, we also provided 85 million EUR humanitarian aid to address the most urgent needs in all areas of the country. If we add the support that several EU Member States give to Myanmar, the amounts more than double for 2023. Is this enough? Far from it. No aid envelope will ever suffice. We will need a political solution to put Myanmar back on the social and economic development track to make the lives of all citizens better. But it does show that the EU is still on the ground, and that we remain committed to helping the people through good, and especially through bad times.
